Kuwait in History PDF Print E-mail
Written by Bader   
Saturday, 21 March 2009 20:40

The urban existence in the region of Kuwait dates back to more than four thousand years as shown by the remains of the archeological antiquities found in the area. This is due to Kuwait’s unique position that rendered it a sea and a land link between parts of the Old World, and a centre for the unity and spreading of various civilizations, in addition to being an important position that controls the route to these civilizations and markets. Kazima, one of the ancient names of the region, was a stop for caravans coming from Persia and Mesopotamia en route to the eastern and internal parts of the Peninsula. It remained for a long time the commercial link between the Indian Ocean area, Syria, and Europe. Kuwait has been the junction of the longest and most important trade routes in the Old World. Failaka, with the fresh water wells it enjoys, was also a stop for the commercial vessels that link the parts lying on the Gulf tip and its southern ports on their way to Oman, India, and eastern Africa.Sheikh Abdullah Al-Salem


The State of Kuwait lies on the northeast coast of the Arabian Peninsula, boarded in the east by the Arabian Gulf, in the north by Iraq, and in the west and south by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The total area of Kuwait is about 17,818 square kilometers, and its population is about 2.2 million (according to 2005 estimate). The surface of the land is formed of stretching sand valleys and a few separate hills; however, the most prominent natural features is in Wadi al-Batin which lies in the north-west of the country and whose centre forms the Kuwait-Iraq boundary.

Kuwait has a number of islands, the biggest of which is Bubyan, to the north of which lies Warbah Island. At the inlet of Kuwait Bay lies Failaka Island with its historical fame. Beside it lie the two islands of Miskan and Uha, in addition to other small ones: Kubbar, Qaruh and Umm al-Maradim.

This region was known earlier as Kazima till the beginning of the seventeenth century. This port which is known by the same name lies in the northwest part of Kuwait Bay. The said urban centre then moved to the south of the Bay and was known as Grane and later Kuwait.

Historical manuscripts and data show that the beginning of Kuwait City was in the year 1613 AD, when a group of families and tribes began to arrive in this region as immigrants from Najd, insightfully realizing the importance of this position and the advantages of its location.

The tribes that settled in the region of Kuwait changed into an urban community that had a clear political entity distinguished by stability and prosperity, as testified by the travellers who visited the area, among whom was Murtada bin Ulwan (1709). The manuscripts of the British archives show that the rule was in the hands of al-Sabah family as of 1716. This indicates that the society enjoyed stability long before that.

After the stability of the Kuwaiti society was maintained and its activities spread on land and sea, there was a pressing need for a leadership to which the people could refer to in their affairs, and which enjoyed legitimacy and the ability to secure protection for their society and interest as well as representing them in social and political circles. A man from al-Sabah family distinguished by benevolence and righteousness was chosen as chief. The government was established in this dynasty, the crown inherited by the eldest adult male among them until the present day.


Pre-Oil Kuwaiti Economic Activities:

The Economic activities of Kuwaiti society in its early stages, combined land and marine. The sons of this society dived into the deep seas in search for pearl wealth. They roved the seas on ships they made by their own hands and transported goods and traded between the ports of the Gulf. Africa and the Indian coast. They reached Colombo, Bengal, and eastern Indian islands. Historians and sea pilots put on record their praise of this maritime activity and lauded the sturdiness and big numbers of Kuwaiti ships. Kniphausen, the Dutch East Indian Company representative, reported in 1756 that at that early stage Kuwait had 300 ships manned by 4000 people working in pearling in addition to fishing and trade vessels. He also reported that Kuwait was a rising maritime power. This rapid rate of growth is clear in what the German Traveller Neibuhr mentioned eight years later in his description of his voyages to the Gulf and to the Arabian Peninsula between 1764 and 1765. He talks about the prosperity achieved by Kuwait and that its people owned more than 800 ships. Villiers (1938), the author of ‘Sons of Sinbad’, meaning the Kuwaitis, expresses his admiration of Kuwait’s maritime activity. He describes its sea front as one of the most appealing sights, rising maritime power. This rapid rate of growth is clear in what the German traveller. Carsten Neibuhr mentioned eight years later in his descriptions of his voyages to the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula between 1764 and 1765. He talks about the prosperity achieved by Kuwait and that its people owned more than eight hundred ships. Villiers (1938), the author of "Sons of Sinbad", meaning the Kuwaitis, expresses his admiration of Kuwaits maritime activity. He describes its sea front as one of the most appealing sights. It extends for two miles, forming a big workshop for making sail cargo-ships. This front is crowded with ships that never stop and incessant work that does not seem to cease. He describes the behavior of the Kuwaiti sailors on board the ships saying, they look at the ship as their home in spite of the hard and harsh work. They compete in achieving the most difficult task in obedience, satisfaction, and love, day and night in a manner he did not witness on board any other ship except with the Kuwaiti sailors. They cover ten thousand miles on their ships amid innumerable dangers without any uproar or resentment. They are sailors to the backbone and men in the real sense of the word.
In spite of the absolute authority which marine traditions entrust the captain with, the reports of history and testimonials of sailors indicate that the. Kuwaiti captain was generally exemplary in upholding justice and honesty, never squandering a farthing of the right of the sailors, the ship, or the merchant who trusted him. He dealt with all the sailors in a parently attitude and set the example by his own conduct. This was reflected on the crew and produced a happy atmosphere in which sailors sang joyful songs, and cooperation and endless sacrifice that led to the success of the voyage and its revenue.

The other aspect of the activities of the society of Kuwait in its early stages was in land activities in which big caravans carrying trade and passengers travelled to Damascus and Aleppo in the north. The caravan -as described by the English physician Edward Evans in his 1758 --reports as he planned to travel with one of those caravans - comprised five thousand camels led by one thousand men. This shows the size of this land trade activity, the political influence that the ruler of Kuwait enjoyed within the Arabian Peninsula, and his ability to safeguard the route of the caravan to reach its ultimate destination.

These land and maritime economic activities prior to the discovery of oil had far-reaching effects on the society of Kuwait and formed its orientation in its voyage of development. Solidarity, support, cooperation, joint work, the respect of promises and fulfilling them became a way of life. Hardship taught them that consultation is the safeguard and basis for the unity of society and its progress. Voyages at sea and journeys on land opened the doors for contacts with new and different communities and ideas; Kuwaitis acquired flexibility, open-mindedness and acceptance of what is new and useful. They became more equipped to face emergencies and learned from problems and dangers to be more practical in handling their matters-and practising their jobs. Fanaticism and favoritism were rare among them; their religious behavior was characterized by ease and tolerance.


Kuwait Confronting International Conflicts in the Gulf:

In its early days and throughout its history, which extends for about three centuries, the Kuwaiti society faced the ambition and conflict of big power as a result of its developing activities, prosperity and emergence as an influential power in its surroundings and because of its strategic position on the Arabian Gulf. In this period Kuwait drew ambitions and as a result was, a cause for conflicts among the forces that liked to control the international communication routes in which Kuwait represents a major link.
Kuwait succeeded in maintaining its character and existence as a distinguished civilized entity of a civil type because of the commercial maritime activity of its people, while the neighboring political entities were dominated by different social and economic types that varied between the feudal system and the bedouin one that did not move into the stage of a stable society.
This distinguished economic entity which Kuwait represented faced big powers surrounding it, such as the Ottoman Empire that were present in the Gulf: the Portuguese, the Dutch, and then the British. The Germans and the Russians also had their private interests. This imposed on Kuwait a certain. orientation which its rulers and people were committed to i.e. adopting a balanced policy that leads to preserving its independence and avoiding attempts to enter into subordination and hegemony spheres with any big power. This explains many of the aspects of the Kuwaiti relations whether with the Ottoman Empire gr others.


Kuwaits Relations with the Ottoman State:

Kuwait resisted all attempts of containment and hegemony by the Ottoman State, although it was keen on supporting and continuing the general Islamic relation with the Caliphate state, which is a religious relation that does not impinge on Kuwaits interests or independence, and does not imply any political rights to the Valis (governors) of the Ottoman State in Iraq over Kuwait. Kuwait did not pledge any allegiance to the Ottoman Valis in Basra or elsewhere, and depended on itself in repulsing the tribes attacks, nor did it accept to extradite the anti-Ottoman rebels who sought refuge in it. Kuwait even welcomed the desire of the British East India Company to transfer to it after the Companys dispute with the Ottoman authority in Basra; it remained in Kuwait from 1793 to 1795. Kuwait also refused to allow the Berlin Railway Line to pass through its territory in spite of the German pressure and the Ottoman approval and participation in its construction. Again it did not accept any Ottoman domination over its foreign policy, which definitely proves its independence. Kuwait concluded treaties, in its own interests such as the 1899 Agreement with Britain. Therefore, the rule of Kuwait since its inception and throughout its history has remained in al-Sabah dynasty which the people of Kuwait elected without any interference or jurisdiction from any foreign party. The Kuwaiti decision has always been independent, emanating from national vision and interest.


Kuwaits Boundary with its Neighbours:

An inquiry into the nature of Kuwaits boundary with its neighbors since its urban and political entity was formed and stabilized in the seventeenth century, reveals the clear facts from the cartographic works that were published about the Arabian Peninsula and the region of Kuwait. Such works were drawn by renowned scholars of different countries during the last three centuries. There are historical works that were published before any allegation or dispute about the borders of Kuwait was raised. Among these are the map drawn by the Ottens Brothers in the early eighteenth century, the 1818 map by Karl Ritter, the well-known German geographer, and the 1862 map by the British voyager Palgrave. These maps show Kuwaits borders especially the northern areas in a consistent and unchanging way. These borders became clearer, and more accurate as cartographic works developed and became more advanced in the nineteenth century. The boundary lines on these maps are nearly identical to the present status of the Kuwaiti boundary as outlined in the agreements signed by Iraq and which it recognized in 1932 and reaffirmed again in the 1963 Agreement, and once more in 1994. The only difference these maps show is that those borders used to extend more to the north so that the natural boundary represented by Sanam Mountain formed the northern border between Kuwait and Iraq.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Arab states began to get independence and were keen to declare their borders with their neighbors. Iraq was one of them; it exchanged memoranda about its borders with Kuwait. This led to a mutual detailed recognition of the borders, which were reaffirmed and defined in a later treaty between Kuwait and Iraq in 1963.

These borders which Iraq recognized twice prior to its aggression on Kuwait are the very borders reached by the Kuwait-Iraq Demarcation Commission which was formed by the United Nations after the liberation of Kuwait from the Iraqi aggression. Its final report was adopted by the Security Council in its Resolution 833 in May 1993. They are also the very borders Iraq recognized for the third time in November 1994.

These borders did not appropriate new territory to Kuwait at the expense of Iraq; on the contrary, they demarcated fixed facts on the ground of reality, and allowed Iraq full access to its six ports without any inhibition, and through a sea front and interconnected waterways that are more than 300 kilometers longs It also granted Iraq areas in Safwan and Khawr Az Zubayr which is more than it asked for.

Consultation and Democracy, the Basis of Government in Kuwait:

Throughout its history, the relationship between the Kuwaiti people and their rulers had its special trait, that is, as witnessed by local and foreign historians, completely distinct and different from the surrounding entities. Sabah I bin Jabir (d. 1743), as the historian Saif al-Shamlan says, "used to consult with the people of Kuwait about important matters and would not take a decision without their advice. "The second ruler Abdullah bin Sabah bin Jabir (1743-1813) was described by the historian Shaikh Yussuf bin `Isa as "a decisive man, close to what is right, justice-loving, good politician, would not take a decision before consulting with his folks, would not dissent from what they would consider to be right." Sir Harward Jones (1793) describes him as "a dignified man, with a strong personality, greatly esteemed by the towns people. He was like their father, not as a ruler."
Sheikh Abdullah Al-Salem
Medhat Pasha – the Baghdad governor who visited Kuwait in 1872 – wrote that Namiq Pasha the Vali of Basra, wanted to affiliate Kuwait to Basra but its people rejected that because they were not used to give in to orders or to be subjected by governments. He adds, “Its Sheikh today is called Abdullah al-Sabah and its people are Shafi’aites. They run their affairs according to the noble jurisprudence. Their ruler and their judge are chosen from among them, and they are a semi republic.” When the English resident in the Gulf Lewis Pelly visited Kuwait in 1865, he described the then ruler Sheikh Sabah saying, “He runs matters with the spirit of a father towards his sons. He would not hesitate to comply with a judge’s verdict even if he runs counter to his conclusions.”

Three historical glimpses about the nature of the special democratic relationship between Kuwaitis and their rulers are corroborated and documented by the reports of the voyagers who visited Kuwait and the maps on which Kuwait appeared during the various historical periods. Some geographers were careful to record this distinguished relationship they witnessed on their maps. Some used the title “Republic of Kuwait” to show the nature of the political system of this society. This label is used in the map of the Arabian Peninsula drawn by the German scholar Alexander Johnstone who is regarded as one of the most eminent English geographers in the first half of the nineteenth century; this map is included in the Grand Atlas published in Edinburgh in 1874.

This pattern of love, consultation, exchange of opinion, respect and trust between ruler and ruled went on. On its basis in later stages was established the constitutional life of the Kuwaiti society. Kuwait has been the precursor in the region since 1921 in establishing a consultative council. Efforts have continued since independence for adopting the constitution and the parliamentary system as an approach. This was reinforced by taking this heritage as a way of life; the ruler shares his fellow citizens social occasions. He visits them in their jubilations to congratulate them, and in distress to console them. They reach him in his audiences at any time, the young and the old, in their early way since the foundation of Kuwait. This spirit of consultation, exchange of opinion, and fully unanimity as one people, became clear in ordeals and hardships, when the nation unites in steadfastness and solidarity. This was what happened in facing the aggression; the Kuwaitis who assembled in the Popular Conference (Jiddah, October1990) during the period of_ the Iraqi aggression declared that they would accept nothing but legitimacy and the continuation of the style of government they have chosen since the origin of Kuwait. This unique phenomenon took the world by surprise as the occupying aggressor did not find among those whom he thought to be "opposition" anyone that would accept anything but legitimacy; and so all the excuses the aggressor fabricated for justifying. the aggression collapsed.

This test of destiny that the consultation and democratic system in Kuwait underwent has proved its standing, deep roots, ability with all its inherent values and the flexibility it acquired in absorbing variation, cultures, opinion, and interests within a framework of unity and totality, in an atmosphere of amity, tolerance, consultation, and the domination of law. This atmosphere of ,_freedom and the wide base of participation have encouraged popular voluntary initiatives for exerting efforts in the various areas of social development. So, in the society of Kuwait, with its limited population there have been established fifty-five public utility societies that render voluntary services and consultation in the different areas of social life. Within this wide area of participation, great efforts were exerted to achieve comprehensive social development; this has been fruitful in raising the relative value of man as the axis of this development and as its ultimate goal.

These democratic practices on which the society of Kuwait was founded have been crystalized in a modern constitutional democratic formula that separates the three authorities, and sets the regulations for securing wide popular participation in government matters and control on the executive authority, so as to safeguard the citizens basic freedoms and define roles and missions in a manner that guarantees balance among these authorities. This was enacted when the opportunity came with the declaration of Kuwaits independence of British protection in 1962. The call for this came from the nation and the ruler at the same time. A few months after independence, the ruler of Kuwait, Shaikh Abdullah al-Salem, gave instructions for the formation of a popular committee to draft a modern constitution for independent Kuwait. Two months after the formation of the committee, public elections were held to elect members for the first national assembly in the country. Government departments were reorganized so as to be able to implement the overall development movement and its plans. Most of the cabinet members were chosen from among the elected members of the national assembly which comprised fifty members. According to the constitution, the national assembly has absolute power to draw the legislative policies and control over the executive authority. Newspapers flourished and there are now six daily papers that represent all directions, in addition to two papers issued in English, and 61 political, cultural, and specialized magazines.

There has been full cooperation among all these different factors, viz. the origin and roots, challenge and steadfastness, the firmness and stability of government, and also its openness to the adoption of a formula for democratic practices emanating from the experience of this country which is not based on factions, the rulers whims or enclosure within a partys orientation. Instead, in it opinions and orientations vary and freedom of expression is freely practiced. Objectives and choices spring out of deep conviction in what serves the interests of the country and conforms to the essential values of the society of Kuwait without allowing difference to outdo the limits of amity and cooperation, or start a type of fanaticism that does not accept dialogue or obstruct reorientation if there are new avenues that prove to be conducive to opening new channels and constructing bridges among different orientations for cooperation and joint work.

Researchers in political science who followed Kuwaits democratic experience: such as Crystal (1981), Hudson (1979), Boz (1982), and Ismail (1982) have recorded in their writings their vision of this experience. They agree that "The National Assembly in Kuwait has succeeded to a great extent in assuming its social responsibilities; it manifested a great ability to function as a true legislative institution that has generated for the Kuwaiti society most of the institutions and political mechanisms that played the main role in the journey of development witnessed by Kuwait." Crystal reaffirms that "the Kuwaiti National Assembly has succeeded in being the democratic tool through which all find a chance to express inside it their stances and orientations. It has given a chance to all trends to express their political approaches without exception. This covers the bedouins coming from the desert, and the town dwellers such as merchants, businessmen, intellectual nationals, qualified graduates and those of political and advanced specialized expertise in Kuwait."



Al- Sabah Dynasty: The Rulers of Kuwait

The dynasty of al-Sabah – the rulers of Kuwait – belong to Anza tribe , a division of Haddâr in al-Aflâj in Najd.; it is one of the greatest and most distinguished Arab tribes, Anza is divided into clans such as Jumayla which divided into many branches in which al-Sabah is among them.

Al-Sabah accompanied by their cousins al-Khalîfa and al-Jalâhima migrated to the north in search for a new home that would suffice them with means of living and security. They settled in many Gulf places after roaming for fifty years. It was known that the migration of tribes and clans into other settlements was one of the characteristics of desert tribal communities through many periods.

This federation of Arab families was sometimes referred to as Banî Utba, and often as Utûb, Ottoobee or Banî Attaba. All these words derive from the Arabic root ataba, meaning to travel from place to place; therefore, Utub is not a name of a division of Anza tribe. Derivation of tribes’ names from verbs is something ordinary in the Arabian Peninsula: Arab al-Muntafiq are tribes united and were known as Muntafiq and Zafeer tribes were tribes who were united.

Historical resources differ about defining the date Al-Sabah dynasty ruled Kuwait because it is not clear as to when the migration of Utub took place, also the period they roamed the Gulf, and that they settled in Kuwait’s land and the selection of Al-Sabah as rulers. Anyhow, the British archives indicated that al-Sabah dynasty ruled in 1716; yet this utterance does not deny that ruling might precede that date. Modern research adopts the year 1613 depending on some indicators and historians’ documents that showed that the foundation of Kuwait was in 1613. Of those documents the message of Sheikh Mubarak which says: “Our grandfather Subah settled in it in the year 1022AH [AD 1613].”

 

Last Updated on Saturday, 28 March 2009 14:13